Extent of the US Betrayal of Israel, Part I
Few Americans are aware of the pressure
the Obama administration is placing on Israel to, in effect, commit
national suicide in its conflict with the terrorist regime in Gaza.
Since the US has, up until now, given Israel great support
economically and with munitions and military hardware, we have
considerable influence on that nation, the only one in the Middle
East that stands for and practices western principles of universal
human rights.
The following column by Caroline
Glick, an Israeli, details the extent of our deceit. The
article is a long one, so I am presenting it in two parts. Go to the
link to read it all, or see part II tomorrow.
Understanding the Israeli-Egyptian-Saudi Alliance
By Caroline
Glick - August 23, 2014 RealClearPolitics
Hamas’s war with Israel is not a stand-alone event. It is
happening in the context of the vast changes that are casting asunder
old patterns of behavior and strategic understandings as actors in
the region begin to reassess the threats they face.
Hamas was once funded by Saudi Arabia and enabled by Egypt. Now
the regimes of these countries view it as part of a larger axis of
Sunni jihad that threatens not only Israel, but them.
The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, and its state sponsors Qatar and
Turkey, are the key members of this alliance structure. Without their
support Hamas would have gone down with the Muslim Brotherhood regime
in Egypt last summer. As it stands, all view Hamas’s war with
Israel as a means of reinstating the Brotherhood to power in that
country.
To achieve a Hamas victory, Turkey, Qatar and the Muslim
Brotherhood are using Western support for Hamas against Israel. If
the US and the EU are able to coerce Egypt and Israel to open their
borders with Gaza, then the Western powers will hand the jihadist
axis a strategic victory.
The implications of such a victory would be dire.
Hamas is ideologically indistinguishable from Islamic State. Like
Islamic State, Hamas has developed mass slaughter and psychological
terrorization as the primary tools in its military doctrine. If the
US and the EU force Israel and Egypt to open Gaza’s borders, they
will enable Hamas to achieve strategic and political stability in
Gaza. As a consequence, a post-war Gaza will quickly become a local
version of Islamic State-controlled Mosul.
In the first instance, such a development will render life in
southern Israel too imperiled to sustain. The Western Negev, and
perhaps Beersheba, Ashkelon and Ashdod, will become uninhabitable.
Then there is Judea and Samaria. If, as the US demands, Israel
allows Gaza to reconnect with Judea and Samaria, in short order Hamas
will dominate the areas. Militarily, the transfer of even a few of
the thousands of rocket-propelled grenades Hamas has in Gaza will
imperil military forces and civilians alike.
IDF armored vehicles and armored civilian buses will be blown to
smithereens.
Whereas operating from Gaza, Hamas needed the assistance of the
Obama administration and the Federal Aviation Administration to shut
down Ben-Gurion Airport, from Judea and Samaria, all Hamas would
require are a couple of hand-held mortars.
Jordan will also be directly threatened.
From Egypt’s perspective, a Hamas victory in the war with Israel
that connects Gaza to Sinai will strengthen the Muslim Brotherhood
and its Islamic State and other allies. Such a development represents
a critical threat to the regime.
And this brings us to Islamic State itself. It couldn’t have
grown to its current monstrous proportions without the support of
Qatar and Turkey.
Islamic State is obviously interested in expanding its conquests.
Since it views itself as a state, its next move must be one that
enables it to take over a national economy. The raid on Mosul’s
central bank will not suffice to finance its operations for very
long.
At this point, Islamic State wishes to avoid an all-out
confrontation with Iran, so moving into southern Iraq is probably not
in the cards. US forces in Kuwait, and the strength and unity of
purpose of the Jordanian military, probably take both kingdoms off
Islamic State’s chopping block for now.
This leaves Saudi Arabia, or parts of it, as a likely next target
for Islamic State expansion.
Islamic State’s current operations in Lebanon, which threaten
the Saudi-supported regime there, indicate that Lebanon, at a
minimum, is also at grave risk.
Then there is Iran. Iran is not a member of the Sunni jihadist
axis. But when it comes to Israel and the non-jihadist regimes, it
has cooperated with it.
Iran has funded, trained and armed Hamas for the past decade. It
views Hamas’s war with Israel in the same light as it viewed its
Lebanese proxy Hezbollah’s war with Israel eight years ago.
Both in Iraq and Syria, Iran and Islamic State have shown little
interest in making one another their primary target. Turkey and Qatar
have often served as Iran’s supporters in the Sunni world.
This is the context in which Israel is fighting its war with
Hamas. And due to this context, two interrelated strategically
significant events have occurred since the war began.
The first relates to the US.
The Obama administration’s decision to side with the members of
the jihadist axis against Israel by adopting their demand to open
Gaza’s borders with Israel and Egypt has served as the final nail
in the coffin of America’s strategic credibility among its
traditional regional allies.
As the US has stood with Hamas, it has also maintained its pursuit
of a nuclear deal with Iran. The US’s position in these talks is to
enable the mullocracy to follow North Korea’s path to a nuclear
arsenal. The non-jihadist Sunni states share Israel’s conviction
that they cannot survive a nuclear armed Iran.
Finally, President Barack Obama’s refusal to date to take
offensive action to destroy Islamic State in Iraq and Syria
demonstrates to Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf states that under
Obama, the US would rather allow Islamic State to expand into their
territory and destroy them than return US military forces to Iraq.
In other words, Obama’s pro-Hamas-, pro-Iran- and pro-Muslim
Brotherhood-axis policies, along with his refusal to date to take
effective action in Iraq and Syria to obliterate Islamic State, have
convinced the US’s traditional allies that for the next
two-and-a-half years, not only can they not rely on the US, they
cannot discount the possibility of the US taking actions that harm
them.
It is in the face of the US’s shift of allegiances under Obama
that the non-jihadist Sunni regimes have begun to reevaluate their
ties to Israel. Until the Obama presidency, the Saudis and Egyptians
felt secure in their alliance with the US. Consequently, they never
felt it necessary or even desirable to consider Israel as a strategic
partner.
Under the US’s strategic protection, the traditional Sunni
regimes had the luxury of maintaining their support for Palestinian
terrorists and rejecting the notion of strategic cooperation with
Israel, whether against Iran, al-Qaida or any other common foe.
So sequestered by the US, Israel became convinced that the only
way it could enjoy any benefit from its shared strategic interests
with its neighbors was by first bowing to the US’s long-held
obsession with strengthening the PLO. This has involved surrendering
land, political legitimacy and money to the terror group still
committed to Israel’s destruction.
The war with Hamas has changed all of this.
Labels: Israel and the Arabs, Obama, War on Islamic Terrorism